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BLACK SURVIVAL
IN A WHITE SOCIETY
URIAH J. Fields
Foreword by FRAN C. GOODMAN
Author's Note
This book was first published in1969. Comments from readers have been a factor that caused me to republish it. Another factor has been the relevance of the message it proffers. Black Americans remain, now as they did when this book was first published, at the bottom of the standard of living barometer,
economically, educationally and politically. Although Blacks have made, as Martin Luther King, Jr., would say, "a stride toward freedom," they lag far behind white Americans. There were 6 Blacks in Congress when this book was first published but today there are 46 Blacks in the Congress, including 2 in the Senate, and the present black two-term President of the United States of America. However, today Blacks constitute 45% of the prison population even though they are only 12 percent of the population. The incarceration of black people makes America the world's number one jailer. In 2014 the population of the United State was 319 million people and the world with 7.2 billion people. The United States has 5% of the population of the world and 25% of the prisoners of the world. Injustice in the justice system is not the only place where Blacks experience injustice. Blacks remain the last hired and first fired. Very often they are not hired and in many instances immigrants, both legal and illegal, are frequently hired before Blacks are hired. Obviously, much has to be done before blacks can experience equity in America. This book offers insights for black advancement in America.
My heartfelt thanks I express to Fran C. Goodman for writing a most inspiring and powerful "Foreword" for this book. Indeed, it appropriately introduces what follows. Once you read it I believe you will have an appetite to read more. Thank you Fran.
The Frontispiece
Notes of a Red-Blooded American
If I Were a Negro
Black Capitalism
Reparations: My Letter to the President
The Anatomy of a Liberal
Encounter: A Black Teacher, A White Principal
and a City Board of Education
Confrontation: Black and White
Black Survival
In a White Society
Copyright 1969 by Uriah J. Fields
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or
reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written per-
mission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in
critical articles and reviews. For information address
Uriah J. Fields. 000 So. Western Avenue, Los Angeles,
California 00000.
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Copyright Works by Uriah J. Fields
The Montgomery Story
The Anatomy of Mutuality
Does the Black Man Want the White Man's White Woman
The Power of Love
Mutuality: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Human Relations
Black Survival (In a White Society)
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Questions about Survival
Can the Black Man Survive?
Should the Black Man Survive?
How can the Black Man Survive?
Can the Black Man find the adequate
resources and meet the challenge?
What is Mutuality
Mutuality is a meaningful relationship between two
or more persons established without external
coercion in which there is no desire by
any party to the relationship to
deceive use or exploit any
other party
A Message from the Black Man to the White Man
Had you exploited and prostituted me because I
was dirty,
I could have taken a bath and become clean;
Had you exploited and prostituted me because I
was ill-bred,
I could have improved my manners;
Had you exploited and prostituted me because I
was ignorant,
I could have gone to school and become educated:
Had you exploited and prostituted me because I
was bad,
I could have reformed and become good:
Had you exploited and prostituted me because I
was pennyless,
I could have gone to work and earned some money:
And the truth is: I became clean, I improved my
manners, I became educated, I became good (at least
as good as you), I earned some money:
But still you exploited and prostituted me because
of my color;
Something my Maker gave me, over which I have
no control.
And even if I could change my color, I would not,
to please you.
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About the Author
URIAH J. FIELDS, founder-president of the American Mutuality Foundation, (Division of A.C.F.S.) is the pioneer in the development of Mutuality and/or Psychomutuality - an interdisciplinary approach to life. He was a founder and first secretary of the Montgomery Improvement Association which gave leadership for the Montgomery, Alabama Bus Boycott in the fifties.
Now a "psychomutualist," Uriah J. Fields has devoted himself to Human Relations and consultant theology, and has been a lecturer, instructor and author. He holds three degrees and the California Teaching Credential.
Mr. Fields served in the United States Army for four years, two of them during the Korean War. He was summoned to serve in the Peace Corps but refused to serve after being convinced by divine revelation that he should leave Montgomery and take up residence in California. He is a bachelor who has not reach his fortieth birthday.
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Foreword
I am a white woman living in a nice house in a predominantly white neighborhood and around me I hear many white voices, and in intonation, but stating: "Why should I feel for the colored people. I have problems and they don't feel for me." I answer them: "If you were a Jew in the early 1940's and were in a concentration camp do you think you could feel sympathy for any Nazi?" I hear: "Everybody's catering to them, why don't they cater to the whites?" I sometimes hear: "How could I say anything when he calls all white people 'racists'? I understand his feeling the way he does." When I hear this last statement I know I have met a sensitive white (excuse me for white and black designations - but what am I to do when I try to describe this insipid problem that should never have materialized in the first place?) person and I nod my head.
There is no question but that some progress has been made in the area of black and white problems. And I know it takes time to cure the inbred distortions and cripplings that happen to people on both sides when a man's skin color determines inferiority and superiority.
But because gains have been made, the danger to the black people is manifold. White people then grow smug thinking the problem has vanished when the root problem has not even begun to be
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tackled...the root problem of using a scapegoat to rid ourselves of inner hostilities, of using lackeys to do work we despise, of using a code of beauty that only embraces ourselves, of using people as things, etc, etc., etc... .
If one thinks the problem is seriously being tackled he need only to pick up the newspaper. What do I read this morning in the Los Angeles Times? Page 2: 54 Arrested at Racially Troubled School; Page 5: White workers clash with Negroes, Police; Page 6: Black lawmakers hit choice of Hansworth. Every day the black-white problem stares us in the face.
The white people would like to believe the black people's problem as it relates to the white community is solved. How wrong and how dangerous to all sides to make that assumption! This brings me to the subject matter of this Foreword - Uriah J. Fields' "Black Survival in a White Society)".
If ever the United States of America and the world needed a "Challenger," it does now. Smugness and self-satisfaction by white people when it relates to something that is desperation in the psyches of the black people is unthinkably cruel, hateful and diminishes the character of whites. Sensitivity is needed and a voice is being put to us, that of Uriah J. Fields, a scholar, a sociologist and an educator, who can objectively view the scene and describe it neither as a black nor white person.
His "American Challenger" comes out every month. Sometimes it is angry, sometimes it speaks sensibly, all times it asks for no favors, no charities. Mr. Fields is obviously a man of great individuality and strength and though he was born a black man, he will not tolerate integration, lamentation or
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subjugation of anything that the white man obtusely proffers to him.
To me the importance of this book lies in its revelations. (I have been with enough black people to know the fear engendered in them by past lynchings and future possibilities of concentration camps to solve the "problem" as denoted by Mr. Fields). It lies in the brightness of Mr. Fields' perception in viewing the field and saying: Do not gloss over the dangers. If you do they are really dangerous. If you don't, the possibility of coping with them and its elimination grows. But most of all it lies, in Mr. Fields' sense of humor when he states: "Don't call me a Negro. There is no such thing as Negroland," or a phase "white underhandlash," or "the liberal has majored on pacifying the Black Man when the Black Man needed not a pacifier but a prod," or the "old plantation" has been replaced by the "new plantation" when he refers to the enslavement by welfare.
I do not have to elaborate on the range of subjects Mr. Fields tackles. They are listed on the frontispiece. Mr. Fields is a voice that should be heard. He challenges, he thinks with a freshness, in many respects he speaks for the Black Man,in many respects he speaks for the White Man, at all times he believes in one race, "the human race." I hope you will be as stimulated as I have been by the following pages and take heed.
--FRAN C. GOODMAN
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Introduction
With the advent of technology especially the revolutionary effects of automation, black survival has become a life-or-death struggle that can no longer be taken lightly, even by the most optimistic people of our day. For the first time in American history blacks have been categorically judged by white society to be dispensable and, even worse, a liability. Whites who have exploited Blacks for centuries a a profit no longer finds this kind of inhumanity profitable.
White society does not need Blacks to perform slave labor or menial work. Machines can do the job faster and sometimes better. One of the effects of this development has been Blacks have been entering the labor market where they compete with Whites for jobs previously not open to them. Traditionally, Blacks have been excluded from many kinds of jobs, given only token consideration in others, and for many more the "last hired and the first fired", even when this was accompanied by underpayment for labor and held in the lowest paid positions with little or no chance for advancement.
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Coupled with this is the fact that blacks today do not accept what the White Man decrees for them as law and gospel, but is more and more doing their own thinking and demanding a greater share in the prosperity of this affluent society of which they, as a group, are a the bottom.
A careful analysis of the present predicament indicates that White society now has in operation a national program designed and calculated to rid America of Blacks. The first reaction from many, both black and white is: '"It can't happen here." In the thirties Jews in German said the same thing,"It can't happen here."' The fact is: it did happen - six million Jews were liquidated at Auschwitz and similar annihilation centers. In this country, Japanese-Americas also experienced the same contentment or satisfaction. The fact is: 109,650 of them plus children and others not accounted for were placed in concentration camps while German-Americans were hailed as loyal red-blooded Americans.
There is a threefold program which is designed to accomplish the "final solution" to the White Man's problem - the Black Man. First, the welfare program. Here the interest is to keep Blacks on the New Plantation which is not far removed from the Old Plantation, In this arrangement creativity is stifled and attachment rather than independence of individual is the fact of life, a tragedy to say the least. This plan calls for, in the foreseeable future, federalizing the welfare program. Who will it help? Not the poor but the wealthy tycoons - masters of exploitation.
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Second, there are concentration camps, established solely for the purpose of "relocating and "containing" Blacks. Title 11, Section 100 of the Internal Security Act of 1950 (known as the McCarran Act) gives the President the authority to place and hold American citizens in detention camps for, among other things "insurrection within the United States in aid of a Foreign enemy" - which ever freedom-fighting Black Man may be guilty of - without a trial. In 1952, the Justice Department designated six sites for the detention-camp operation. Included is a 4,200 acre camp in Allenwood, Pa., and one at Tulelake, California. It was this Tulelake site that held 22,500 Japanese-Americans during World War II. The truth is a number of these concentration camps are top secret information.
Third, there is the liquidation of Blacks. This is no less a possibility than was the liquidation of Jews at Auschwitz. Liquidation of Blacks is to be achieved by employing various kinds of strategies such as the creation of police-blacks confrontation, inciting people to riot, and creating racial disturbances of every so that the police and National Guard with "establishment valued justification can murder or let rot in prisons freedom-fighters and innocent Blacks. With no out-of-the country location where Blacks can be deported or deposited the plan calls for wasting Blacks very much in the same way as the so-called Indians were wasted after Columbus discovered America, (If you want to to believe that discovery historical distortion.) This program was effective and complete.
In The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich the statement is made: "In the background, to be sure,
there lurked ... fear of the concentration camps for those who got out of line or who had been ... too liberal or too pacifist, or who were Jews."
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In America today, there lurks within Blacks a fear of black annihilation by whites. History has convinced Blacks that their survival is not promised, let alone guaranteed, unless they collectively institute and implement a massive action program that will assure their survival. Black survival is not free, nor can anyone who respects history expect it to result from evolution, a continuation or perpetuation of the present system or the apathy of Blacks.
The seven essays that follow are thematically bound by their common attempt to formulate and answer the problem of Black survival. These are not only "tell it like it is" messages but "tell it like it got to be" messages if there is to be Black survival.
While these essays are profound enough to challenge the intellectuals and the "powers that be," and maybe provoke them to hostile reaction, they are simple enough to be understood and applied by the ordinary man, particularly the Black Man who must fight for his life and create a new force if he is to survive.
The author wishes to express his gratitude to Fran C. Goodman who did not only write "Foreword" of this book but gave significant suggestions, constructive criticisms and encouragement. She is not responsible for my failure to have accomplished more in his book.
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IF I WERE A NEGRO
"If I were a Negro" ...Of course, I am not a Negro. This is my true acknowledgment even though my skin is near-black, my hair woolly and I am of African descent. Just as a person of German-descent living in America is a German-American, or of Russian descent is a Russian-American, or of the caucasus region is a Caucasian; a person of African descent is an African-American. My claimed ancestors came from Africa. They did not come from Negro land. There is no such land.
Therefore, when I say I am not a Negro this should not be misconstrued to mean that I am trying to escape my authentic race identify as three million so-called Negroes who are passing for white or as was the case with an integration leader of a major Civil Rights organization. This so-called Negro leader was asked by one of his followers, a newspaper reporter, Sir, what race do you belong to?" He replied in his egotistical style, "On my mother's side I am Irish and on my father's side I am Cherokee Indian." At this point I had stomached as much as I could take from the sideline without seeking relief from an acute case of indigestion or constipation. Out of race pride an modest indignation I exclaimed to him, If you think you are Irish why don't you go live in Ireland? The people of Ireland would probably not let you remain in their country for more than a few day.
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And if you think you are Cherokee Indian instead of sitting-in on the so-called white man's property demanding that which does not belong to you go and sit-in on the Indian Reservation with Sitting Bull or his descendants. Sitting Bull or his descendants will forcibly eject you becaue you would be a bad influence among the Indians."
When I say I am not a Negro I do not mean what this integrationist meant who reveals that he is a classic, if not typical, Negro by his total behavior and conviction. I am not attempting to deny my African heritage or lose my racial identity because I have race pride derived from a knowledge of my rich heritage and personal integrity resulting from an appreciation of my ancestors and sense of the worth of my antecedents and my own worth.
I am really saying, if I must repeat for emphasis, that since there is no Negroland there is no such creature as a Negro. My ancestors came from Africa. I am an African-America. Regretably, I must admit, however, that there are some Negroes in America. The Negro has the unique distinction of being the only despicable human being who was not created He was made some years after Columbus discovered America,a if you want to believe that historical distortion. We all know the Negro's maker. The Negro was accomplished through dehumanization, effected by brainwashing and subjugation. All one needs to do to be a Negro is to believe that he is a Negro.
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Since I am an African-American commonly referred to as a Negro by many Americans who simply do not know any better and now that the reader has been provided with a measure of rare enlightenment, I shall now endeavor to speak forthrightly on the subject - stating what the Negro CAN, SHOULD and must do if he is to take his rightful place, accept himself and be accepted by other Americans as a first-class citizen.
IF I WERE A NEGRO
1. Reject integration. Whenever there has been coercive integration the result has been human deterioration, degeneration, and starvation. Integration is a farce based on false premises such as "excellency is the result of black and white together involvement" and "racial tolerance." This is not true. Excellency can result from all black, all white or black and white together, providing those involved are of an excellent quality. To advocate racial tolerance is to deny the dignity of man. People tolerate that which they are forced to put up with. The need is for human acceptance. Integration can operate only where dishonesty and hypocrisy are in bold evidence. It is catastrophic reality.
2. Quit blaming the White Man. While it is an uncontestable fact that so-called Negroes were enslaved for 244 years in America by white people and have since been given special treatment, even maltreatment, by them
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there can be no justification for or advantage in blaming the White Man. The Negro must recognize that he is the blame for his present condition. Once he sees in true perspective and recognizes that he has received more benefits and privileges than he has merited, I think that he will heed the advice of Booker T. Washington: "Let your bucket down where you are and use what you got".
3. Acquire quality education. Quality education is not to be confused with quantity education. Quality education is integrity education. It prepares an individual to make a living and a life at the same time In quality education a historical understanding of one's heritage and a knowledge of one' self are indispensable. To secure quality education the so-called Negro cannot rely upon the public schools to provide him with all he needs to know about himself or life. I would take advantage of public education but at the same time, I would matriculate in a school where I can learn about my own kind and in the university of the world. I would subject all information to scrutiny. I would believe that education is life.
4. Become a producer or creator rather than merely a consumer or protester. Pressure or persuasion by production will bring about true emancipation of the so-called Negro sooner than pressure by protest Instead of sit-ins, lay-ins, and stand-ins I would engage in create-ins, dignify-ins and invest-ins.
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Maybe I would engage in some take-ins. I would take back that which I have been divested of by unscrupulous exploiters who are, indeed, my debtors.
5. Assume personal responsibility. I would hold myself personally responsible for my present condition - my virtues and vices, successes and failures. I would perform those obligations and engage in those activities that give meaning and fulfillment to my life. I would be responsible to myself. I would reject all forms of welfarerism, occupation on the plantation with its built-in deception and strangulation and fringe benefits, the modern maker of slaves. I would cease singing this "Negro Anthem":
"I don't know who I am
Because I don't know where I came from
I don't know were I am going
Because I don't know where I've been
I know who they tell me I am
But this I can never believe
They say I am bound for the Promise Land
But tell me something of my native land."
If I were a Negro I would be proud. I would not believe that I cannot rise beyond my parents or to the height of a man of any other descent. I would be absolutely certain that the future is not a projected nightmare but an oasis of creativeness. I would believe, and even know, that I am the master of my fate, and my future will be bright.
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{Addendum to this republished edition of "Black Survival in a White Society." What's in a name? Uriah J. Fields was among the leading persons, if not the first person - in modern times - who called for then Negroes, to used the term "African-American," as noted in the above essay, "If I Were a Negro" (Published in1969). In his book "Free at Last: Prescriptions for Black Equity" (published in 1986) he states, "A brief word on the term "Black" is in order. African-American is the correct term to be used when referring to the nationality of a black American citizen. However, the term "Black"... is appropriate, even preferred, especially when the intent of the user is to acknowledge an African American's encounter or relationship with "white racism." (p.6)
In the late 1980's Jesse Jackson led a successful movement for, then called "Negroes" and "Afro-Americans" in the late 1970's, to call themselves "African Americans." This was the first time for descendants of slaves in America to name themselves. Jesse Jackson is due much credit and gratitude for "African Americans" being the politically correct name to be used when referring to black Americans. Until this day "Native Americans" are still being called "Indians," by most Americans, a name they themselves do not call themselves. It was not until 2000 that the United States Census Bureau included the name "African-American."
From "Nobody Knows My name," as James Baldwin noted, to "My name Is "African American," as Black Americans proudly declare and as Martin Luther King Jr., envisioned when he penned "A Stride Toward Freedom."}
BLACK ANTI-SEMITISM
SOME JEWISH people in America, including a number of Jewish leaders, have publicly accused Black people of practicing black anti-semitism. By this they mean a significant percentage of black people in America are Jew haters. Jews have criticized so-called Negro leaders for not having spoken-out against blacks who hate Jews.
Yes, there is black anti-semitism. But we must understand what "semitism" means. In the first place the Jews, as we refer to in contemporary time, are not now nor have they ever been Semites. Jews are not descendants of Shem. They are not descendants of Semites. As a matter of fact, they are not even Jews in the authentic sense of the term. The original Jews were black and their descendants today are black except for those who are the result of Jew-Caucasian interbreeding. Of course, the fact is: if black people are semitic people, then, there is black anti-semitism - blacks against blacks.
Frankly, the entire educational system of this racist society has been designed and executed in a way that black people have been conditioned to hate other black people. We are taught that black is inferior.
Having set the record straight, at least putting the matter in true perspective, we can now deal with the issue before us which is: so-called Negroes hate so-called Jews or black anti-semitism is on the rise.
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Because of the nature of the matter, the fact that some Jewish people believed and are even disturbed over the Black-Jewish confrontation, the writer has neither consutled or relied upon any establishment-oriented source but has gone where the action is - in the black communities, especially those in which Jews have a vested interested and the Jewish communities where the cry black anti-semitism is heard the loudest.
A study of the Jewish community revealed that a great many Jewish people believe that all other races of people are against them and that some black people are part of the anti-Jewish wave.Jews believe that Blacks are Jew-haters because it is almost the accepted if not fashionable thing to do. For this behavior black people are taken to task. Blacks are charged with being insensitive to the Jewish people. The Jews reason that black people are victims of much of the same kind of discrimination and racism that seeks to destroy them. Therefore, since both have a common foe they should of necessity be united.
Secondly, the Jews proclaim that no other group has been more responsive and sympathetic to the Black Man's cause than they have. They point to their involvement in Civil Rights demonstrations as undeniable evidence. ...
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There are other Jews who have very strong feelings about black anti-semitism and what the Jews' response should be. They assert: "Look what we have done for the Black Man! we gave him the chance he has! the hell with him! If he wants to oppose us, let us fight him and any other s.o.b., that oppose the chosen ones!"
In the black communities I found almost consensus of attitude among Blacks regarding Jews. I spent most of my time in the black communities for two reasons: (1) because I am black and (2) because Blacks are the accused. Are Blacks innocent or guilty of the charge? I wanted to know. I wanted to be objective as humanly possible in my pursuit. I wanted to ascertain the truth. And I feel confident that this report is authentic. I feel so strong about the validity of this report that I challenge any one to debate me on the issue of "Black Anti-Semitism" who takes exception to my findings.
Black people in some communities where Jews have businesses do have something against Jews. They believe that Jews have been and are exploiting them - were overcharged, short-changed or sold an inferior bill of goods which was falsely labelled. Added to this, is the charge by some blacks that these Jews, even though they admit that this is their right, employ only members of their families or ethnic group in these black communities Jew-owned and operated businesses. Consequently, they drain the black communities.
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This study further reveals that the charges enumerated above, and most of them are true, represent something more than a few isolated cases. Blacks also recognize that some of the services provided in the black communities would go lacking or be inferior without Jewish businesses. Blacks acknowledged that the exploitation in black communities is a part of the system and not necessarily a Jew "thing." Of course, this is not a case that gives the Black people any justification for accepting exploitation whether it be perpetuated by Jew or Gentile.
On the basis of data collected and conclusions drawn the brief commentary that follows accurately describes the feeling of Black people towards Jews and addresses itself to the charge that black anti-semitism is on the rise.
Earlier I stated categorically that there is a consensus of attitude among black people about Jews. The attitude I speak of is not that of the militant, passive, or moderate black man. It is the attitude of the black people, and I firmly believe it is not only the true attitude but the important one. To disregard this attitude and accept some other is to commit a crime against the black people in particular and society in general.
Black people do have a new awareness, a new sense of who they are - in identity. They know that they are black, old knowledge. They are pride that they are black, a new achievement. Black people are now,as never before, opposed to white racism whose very heart is economic exploitation.
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With this new awareness of who they are and new determination to gain freedom Black people are taking on forthrightly,without tack or apology, those who perpetuate racism and/or economic exploitation. Some Jews are among the exploiters, and they are being taken on by Blacks not because they are Jews but because they are exploiters.
Apart from the Black man's feeling towards Jews who exploit him I discovered that the Black Man has a more humane feeling towards Jews than non-Jew white people. In the struggle for equality the Black Man identifies himself with the Jews.
The Jews should not expect or attempt to demand respect or love from the Black man. Love may be desirable but it is not necessary for a meaningful relationship. As I see it, the Black Man has and will continue to respect Jews for what they are individually and collectively. Anyone who expects more than this will be disappointed.
What we see taking place today is not black anti-semitism but a black-awareness of a contaminated society that must be purified or destroyed. To the extent, that extent only, that this society is contaminated by Jews the black people will purge Jews.
If this attitude and action of black people as reported above denote black anti-semitism, then let the word go forth that Blacks will hate their exploiters with hate equal to the love they have for justice, truth and equality.
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BLACK-CAPITALISM
BLACK PEOPLE transported from Africa to America and made slaves became the creators of the wealth that made the flowering of capitalism a reality in the nineteenth century. Following the Civil War and Emancipation Black people while experiencing some economic and social freedom have remained at the bottom of the economic ladder and their relative economic position in the American Society is unchanged.
In spite of an abundance of evidence and facts supporting the validity of this statement a great many black Americans and white Americans, for different reasons, have endeavored to convey the impression that Black Americans are well off economically and that there are black capitalists in America.
Although President Richard N. Nixon came out in support of Black capitalism shortly after being inaugurated President of the United States, the myth or hoax, maybe both, is not new. It dates back to the last decade of the nineteenth century, after the Black Reconstruction failed to bring freedom to Blacks and legalized segregation became the national way of life.
The myth was created by a small group of Black intellectuals, black businessmen and their white advisers. In 1898 Black capitalism was the chief business of the Fourth Atlanta University Conference. At that conference the myth of black capitalism was formulated. About
two years later, Booker T. Washington, founder of Tuskegee Institute, organized the National Negro Business League. In his opening address to the League, he asserted that wherever he had "seen a black man who was succeeding in business, was a taxpayer and who possessed intelligence and high character, that individual was greeted with the highest respect by the white race."
Also giving credence to this myth was W.E.B. DuBois, an illustrious educator and advocator of equality. Both men sought to answer the question: "What shall be the place of the Negro businessman in American life?" And they both envisioned black capitalism as the black man's salvation. Washington proclaimed: "We shall prosper in proportion as we learn to dignify labor and perform with brains and skill the common occupations of life." DuBois retorted: "The Negro can no longer be a hewer of wood or a drawer of water. He must find his way through education in the same subjects other groups are now absorbing, or he will be enslaved by his own hand... ..."
This myth was subsequently propagated by Whites and Blacks and apparently a great many Blacks put their faith in it. Belief in the myth led Blacks to relate all sorts of fancicful stories concerning their wealth. Blacks were referred to as millionaires who at best were nothing more than "thousandaires."
Black capitalism is not only a myth, it is a hoax - a trick or a joke concocted anew by the exploiting class and perpetrated upon the American people in general and Blacks in particular to give the impression that Black people are capitalists or potential capitalists. It is designed to psychologically condition black people in such a way that they will be fit subjects for physical occupation on the new plantation.
President Lyndon B. Johnson, speaking at Howard University said, "The Negro is a nation within a nation." He had something of the truth in mind. Of course, the whole truth is the Black Man is a colony within a nation. He does not have the sovereignty characteristic of a nation and this is indeed part of the tragedy, if not the chief reason, while black capitalism can never be a reality.
The myth that Blacks were spending upward of $22 billion dollars in 1967 was widely circulated by both Black and White people. The gross national product that year was over $600 billion. Black people received less than 4% of the national income although they constitute11% of the population. Blacks spent all their income on consumer goods while Whites spent only 75% of their income on consumer goods,leaving 25% for savings and investment.
Te $22 billion myth seemed to exaggerate the economic well-being of Blacks in America and to inflate the egos of black people while the Whites contrive new ways to exploit Black people.
Black capitalism can become a reality only if one or both of these conditions are met: (1) Black people become a separate nation, and (2) Black people receive reparations from the U.S. Government.
White capitalism is deeply rooted in the existing system and white capitalists are not about to share their resources with Blacks. Therefore, anyone who takes black capitalism seriously is living in a make-believe world and should undergo a mental examination.
Booker T. Washington could not have understood black capitalism when he said, "In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress." Black people must be separate in things purely economic also if black capitalism is to succeed. They must have their own businesses
or nation.
Secondly, the hope in black capitalism has promise if all descendants of slavery are paid reparations, now long overdue, and should be payable upon demand. With reparations the collective purchasing power of Black people would increase substantially, making possible for Black people to compete with White capitalist, at least in their communities. Unless black people become a separate nation or receive reparations they cannot expect to become economically free. The present system is anti-black capitalism.
Consequently, as I see it, the only chance the Black Man has of becoming financially secure, apart from establishing a separate nation or receiving reparations, is to work for the abolition of the present system and institute a new system which will not merely allow for, but guarantee each individual a fair share of the wealth and profit in this nation.
The greatest tragedy is not that the Black Man is not a capitalist but that he, living in a make-believe world, accepts the BIG LIE that he can become a capitalist by doing the "white thing" or taking the White Man's daring prescription for black capitalism.
Man 31, 1969
REPARATIONS: MY LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT
American Christian Freedom Society, Inc.
Reparations Now
P. O. Box 000
Los Angeles,California 99000
The President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D. C.
The Black Man Wants Reparations
Mr. President:
This letter is from an American - an all-American of African descent. It is a personal response, collectively shared by most Black Americans, to the questions: "What Does the Black Man Want?" To this question numerous answers have been supplied. The answers seem to fall in three categories: (1) the Black Man wants nothing special, (2) the Black Man wants preferential treatment, and (3) the Black Man does not know what he wants so let the Government give him what he needs.
To the first point "the Black Man wants nothing special" I cannot agree. This epitomizes the thinking of those who take the position the Black Man needs just what any other American needs. To accept this view is to deny or disregard history. History reveals that the Black Man is special - a special slave, robbed of his own heritage, dehumanized and colonized - a second-class citizen, emancipated more than one hundred years ago, but still the most exploited and despicable of all the inhabitants of North America.
The second point, "the Black Man wants preferential treatment" I cannot agree. In spite of his deprivations, the inequities and exploitation the Black Man does not want nor is he entitled to preferential treatment. As a man he needs no favors, no civil rights bills, handouts or privileges to occupy the new plantation. As a recipient of such "benefits" one loses his most valuable possession - his humanity.
To the third point, "the Black Man does not know what he wants so let the Government give him what he needs," I cannot agree. This widely held concept is a hangover from slavery which is accepted by a great many non-Blacks as the most desirable method of handling the Black Man's problem. It is this view that has, more than anything else, been held and applied to the Black Man's problem for more than a century. Conceivably, the violence, chaos and destruction now threatening to destroy this society result from this philosophy which has not been responsive to the real needs, longings and aspirations of the Black Man.
Obviously, these three approaches to resolving the black, or more correctly, the black-white problem in America are an abomination to Black Americans and a colossal failure of America to address itself to the most serious problem facing America - the problem of national survival.
Mr. President, the Black Man wants reparations. He wants reparations now. President Kennedy said "Negroes are entitled to reparations but they have not asked for them." The Black Man's claim for reparations is valid. Strong and compelling as may be the merits of the claim for reparations on its face alone, it is not without apt precedent in the field of the law of nations. Already the United States has paid reparations to the American Indians, Japanese- Americans and to the people of the Philippine Islands.
Approximately 30 million Americans of African descent, whose antecedents and ancestors before them until 1863, were held in slavery are entitled to and (before there can be peace with freedom in America) must be awarded payments of reparations in the form of money damages for the loss of their skills and labor to the use and benefit of those citizens of the United States of America, who as a class was known as slave owners, and who with the sanction, approval and the protection of the United States Government, became unjustly wealthy by the use of forced human labor.
The question: "Are American descendants of African slaves entitled to reparations?" is incontrovertible. There is a natural law manifested in morality which requires that a laborer receive remuneration for his labor unless of his own free will he choose to render free labor. If any circumstance arises to prevent him from receiving the compensation such must be paid to his beneficiary. No civilized or human society therefore could possibly contest or neglect its responsibility to compensate descendants of slaves whose ancestors were forced to give free labor.
It is not fair to compel or require non-black Americans to finance welfare and anti-poverty programs to support that segment of Americans, so-called Negroes, who have more money in the treasury than those supporting them. We all know that Black Americans are the chief beneficiaries of these handout programs which are designed to further enslave and already enslaved people.
Mr. President, payments of reparations to black people is not only the answer to the question "What Does the Negro Want?" but to the all-embracing question "How can we survive as one nation indivisible, with liberty and justice for all?" With reparations in hand the Black Man will take his proper place in America. He will develop sound economics, obtain quality education and develop personal enrichment. The net effect being fulfillment for himself and a better America for all.
Mr. President, I call upon you to make reparations for Black people priority business, to use the power of the Executive Branch of the Government and urge the Congress to enact legislation that will affect the payments of reparations by the United States Government to Black people by1970. To delay payments of reparations, already long overdue, beyond this date, may prove to be too late and/or fatal.
Respectfully yours,
(signed)
Uriah J. Fields, President of
REPARATIONS NOW
An Affiliate of A.C.F.S.
P.S. Attached is a copyrighted copy of the treatise on
REPARATIONS.
Enclosure
A REPLY FROM WASHINGTON
Authorized by President Richard N. Nixon
United States Department of Justice
Washington,D.C. 20539
ARC-4-0-3140 June 27, 19069
Mr. Uriah J. Fields
American Christian Freedom Society
Post Office Box 40000
Los Angeles, California 90044
Dear Mr.Fields:
The President has asked me to thank you for
your recent communication (on Reparations). He
appreciates the interest (in Reparations which
prompted you to share your views with him.
Sincerely,
(Signed)
L. N. Pellerzi
Assistant Attorney General
for Administration
THE ANATOMY OF A LIBERAL
The Liberal, frequently misunderstood, often criticized and rarely praised, even though sometimes described as a "do-gooder" and identified as a champion of causes of the underdog, has for more than a century been the target of the fire from Conservatives and Moderates in America, and during the last score of years became a fit object of attack and ridiculed by some Black people, especially that class known as Black Militants. ...
... "What is LIberalism?"
People who have the philosophy that our government should move rapidly ahead, and experiment believe in "liberalism." They owe allegiance to no political party, are independent in thought and action and a always anathema to those who with the government to pursue the well-trod paths, as may be the desire of their arch-enemy, the Conservatives. The Liberal pursue the well-trod paths, as may be the desire of their arch-enemy, arch Conservative. The Liberal vote for programs, sometimes in the sense that anything new and different and previously untried is progressive. Liberalism is dynamic.the extremist is then the liberal camp is called a radical.
The Liberal is a product of the American Society. He is American made - an all-American. He cannot really be thought of as being anti-American, certainly not un-American, in the true sense of these terms. Our educational system - preprograming and indoctrination - is designed to produce liberals in quantity, if not mass production.
(Only the beginning portion of "The Anatomy of a Liberal" is published above.)
ENCOUNTER: A BLACK TEACHER, A WHITE PRINCIPAL
AND A CITY BOARD OF EDUCATION
In 1968, I served as a day-to-day substitute teacher for the Los Angele City School Districts. On Friday, October 11th, I was called by telephone at 6:45 a.m., and asked to teach "Government" for Mr. Hines who was absent at Westchester High School. At 7:40 a.m., I arrive at the school and informed the school secretary as to why I was there. As I was about to sign-in the Principal walking out of this office looked at me, but did not speak. I noticed that he made a gesture to the secretary, and almost momentarily she said to me: "Wait just a minute." She rushed to the Principal's office. Minutes later the Principal came out of his office and in a very insulting way he began to lampoon me because of my appearance. "A person who has a mustache or beard cannot teach at Westchester," he asserted. After having about as much of that as I cared to take, I said to him: "if that is the way you feel about me I will leave the school immediately but my protest will be registered with the proper authorities." I left without further comment.
Westchester HIgh School, located in a suburb of Los Angeles, is unique in some ways. Most of the students come from upper middle class families. Many of these students drive cars as good, if not better, than their teachers. The school has only token integration and it is well-known that there has been a deliberate effort to keep the school as white as possible.
After consulting with my legal advisor I sent the following letters of protest to the Board of Education of Los Angeles and the Supervisor of Substitutes:
11721 So. New Hampshire Ave.
Los Angeles, Calif. 90044
October 14, 1968
The Reverend James E. Jones
Board of Education of the City of Los Angeles
450 North Grand Avenue
Los Angeles, Calif. 90012
and
Mr. W. N. Barragar, Supervisor of Substitutes
Los Angeles City School Districts
450 Grand Avenue
Los Angeles, Calif. 90012
Dear Sir:
I am a day-to-day substitute teacher who has been serving in that capacity for approximately three years without incident.
On October 11, 1968, I was called by the Harbor School Districts Office and asked to report to the Westchester High School to teach "Government." Once I arrived at the school and signed in, on the advice of the office secretary, the Principal said to me, "A person who has a mustache or beard cannot teach at Westchester." He said that he would telephone the Supervisor of Substitutes about the matter. I said to him "If that is the way you feel about me, I will leave the school but would register my protest with the proper authorities." I left the school without further comment."
In the first place, I do not wear a beard. I do have a mustache ... and a miniature goatee. My face is always clean-shaven, hair cut short, and my appearance (business suit, dress shirt and necktie) is conservative.
One week prior to this incident I taught at Bret Harte School and the week before that at Drew Junior High School.Heretofore, neither teachers or students have been affected or, to my knowledge, even commented on my appearance.
It appears to me that something deeper is involved here which may be racial in nature, since I am of the African extraction. Even if I did have a beard I question whether the Principal has a right to deny me the opportunity to teach.
I do hereby request that you investigate this matter and advise me concerning any regulation that forbids me as a teacher to wear a mustache or beard.
Sincerely yours,
(signed)
Uriah J. Fields.
I also sent a protest letter to the Westchester High School student body which was essentially the same as the letter above except for this addition: (Dated October 14, 1968)
"... this principal of Westchester who may have racist feelings toward black people denied me the right to teach.
I believe the students of Westchester High School should know about your Principal's outrageous action. This is a denial of freedom and young people like you have a right to protest this action. ... I believe the youths and the black people have a tremendous part to play in redeeming America. Let us not allow silence or apathy to hasten the day when the police state will prevail in America."
Yours in the interest of freedom,
(signed)
Uriah J. Fields
REPLIES TO MY LETTERS OF PROTEST
Los Angeles City School Districts
450 North Grand Ave.
Los Angeles, Calif. 90012 October 17, 1968
Mr. Uriah J. Fields
11721 So. New Hampshire Avenue
Los Angeles, California 90044
Dear Mr.Fields:
Mr. Walter Barragar has referred to me your letter of October 14,1968 concerning your experience at Westchester High School. I am, in turn, referring your letter to Mr. Allen Sebastian, Area Superintendent of that section of the school district in which Westchester High School is located. I am confident that Mr. Sebastian will communicate with you in the very immediate future.
In the event that Mr. Sebastian is not able to reach you within the next few days, may I suggest that you might wish to telephone him. The telephone number of his office is 323-9464.
Yours truly,
(signed)
Arthur G. Anderson
Associate Superintendent.
Los Angeles City School Districts
Secondary School Administrative Area A
Gardena, Calif. 190247 October 28,1968
Mr. Uriah J. Fields
11721 So. New Hampshire Ave.
Los Angeles, California 90044
Dear Mr. Fields:
Mr. Arthur Anderson, Associate Superintendent, recently indicated to you that he was referring to me your correspondence addressed to Mr. Walter M. Barrager relative to a recent incident at Westchester High School which occurred on October 11, 1968.
I have partially completed my investigation and would appreciate an opportunity to talk personally with you. Kindly contact me at 323-9464 for an appointment. Should I not be available when you phone, the secretary has my calendar and can make an appointment for a mutually convenient hour.
Sincerely,
(signed)
Allen A.Sebastian
Area Superintendent.
Board of Education
City of Los Angeles
450 North Grand Avenue
Los Angeles, California 90012 November 1,1968
Mr. Uriah J. Fields
11721 So. New Hampshire Avenue
Los Angeles, California 90044
Dear Mr. Fields:
Thank you for your letter of October 14, 1968 informing me of your dissatifaction concerning the incident you encountered at Westchester High School. I have referred your letter to Mr. Stuart Stengel, Associate Superintendent of the Division of Secondary Education whom I have asked to look into this matter. You will be hearing from him as soon as possible.
Sincerely yours
(signed)
James Edward Jones
President
Board of Education
On November 7, 1968, the Los Angeles "Herald-Dispatch" newspaper learning of this matter carried this front page account:
URIAH J. FIELDS DENIED L. A. TEACHING POST
LOS ANGELES - Uriah J. Fields, a substitute teacher for the Los Angeles City Schools has charged that Principal Joseph A. Herman denied him the opportunity to teach at Westchester High School on October 11th because he has a goatee and is black.
Mr. Fields, president of the American Christian Freedom Society, author and lecturer, holds the California general Secondary Teaching Credential and has done substitute teaching for the past three years.
In his letters of protest to Rev. James E. Jones, president of the Los Angeles School Board of Education, W.M. Barragar supervisor of substitutes and the student body of Westchester High school, Fields said:
"On October 11, 1968, I was called by the Harbor School Districts office and asked to report to the Westchester High School to teach "Government." Once I arrived at the school the Principal said to me, "A person who has a mustache or beards cannot teach at Westchester." He also stated that he would telephone the supervisor of Substitutes about the matter. I said to him "If that is the way you feel about me, I will leave the school about but would register my protest with proper authorities." I left the school without comment.
One week prior to the incident I taught at Bret Harte school and the week before that at Drew Junior High School. He said, "Since I have not encountered any difficulty heretofore, it appears to me that something deeper is involved here which may be racial in nature since I am of the African extraction and Westchester is an all or near all white school."
The Rev. Jones of the Board of Education and Mr. Barragar have assured Fields that the matter is being investigated.
Mr. Fields stated that unless the matter is resolved honorably he will employ legal aid so that justice may prevail.
A LETTER FROM THE PRINCIPAL
Los Angeles City Districts Westchester High School
7400 West Manchester Aveneue
Los Angeles, Califrniaa 990045 November, 1968
Mr. Uriah J. Fields
11721 South New Hampshire Avenue
Los Angeles, California 90044
Dear Mr. Fields:
It is unfortunate that a very brief personal preference expressed in the span of a minute or two in the privacy of my office has led to such misunderstanding. It is even more unfortunate that you and I do not know each other better - and isn't this usually the cause of so much misunderstanding - so that you would be aware that among the numerous mistakes of which I might be guilty, or other faults of character that I might possess neither duplicity nor prejudice is included.
One in my position has the opportunity and responsibility to make a countless number of decisions in the course of a day, or an hour, covering many subjects. It is certainly safe to assume that in the course of these events mistakes will be made - sometimes in judgment, sometimes in ignorance - but in my case, of the head and not of the heart.
Perhaps the basic for my preference as expressed to you for persons placed in a position of leadership and instruction in the classroom is not sound. I have been rebuked and corrected by my supervisor for my conduct, and in the future will not even express that personal opinion in any similar manner. However, it is sad that there are inferences in some instances and direct statements in other instances by you that I said and did things that did not, in fact, occur.
In the letter to my student body president and newspaper editor you asserted that you were not allowed to teach and inferred that I was a racist. In your communication to Mr. Barragar you stated that a person who has a mustache or a beard can not teach at Westchester, and that I denied you the opportunity to teach. These statements are false and improperly attributed to my conduct.
I truly apologize for binging the subject to your attention in the first place. In that,I am certainly guilty of unsound judgment. Of anything else I am innocent and offer this communication by way of protest. For whatever reasons you may have, it is not in keeping with the Christian character you profess in your leaflet to suggest anything else but what did occur - any more than I have assumed or publicly announced anything different concerning you.
To paraphrase your own words, let's not allow silence nor apathy, and I hasten to add - unmerited invectives - to hasten the day when freedom of speech or personal preference, will not be allowed.
I am at your disposal to resolve whatever misunderstanding you feel yet exists.
Yours in the interest of understanding,
(signed)
Joseph S. Herman
Principal
Encounter is necessary. It can be the best weapon the exploited or abused person has to employ in obtaining justice and affecting meaningful and viable change. It can work, as it did in this matter. There are times, however, when encounter, like dialogue, is not adequate and confrontation must take place. Confrontation is the subject of the remainder of this book.
CONFRONTATION: BLACK AND WHITE
Racial confrontation without question is the
only viable demonstration that can affect peace
with freedom for all Americans - Black and White.
Part I
As a technological people, we are living in the Space Age. We have landed men on the moon, gained notable mastery over energy, matter and nature generally, and are rapidly learning to prolong life and control premature death. But, by contrast we are living in the Stone Age so far as our handling of human relationships is concerned and are unable to guide minds in understanding each other.
"Man is a wolf to man." Certainly this dour statement on the nature of man, borrowed from the title of an engraving by George Rouault, seems to apply to this writer's comments that follow on "Confrontation: Black and White."
The American Society can correctly be called a "racist society." Blacks and Whites do not share equally; and the one factor that makes the difference is race. Although Blacks are not in physical slavery they are exploited by a system that is anti-black and pro-white. Blacks collectively are oppressed by the system and conversely Whites collectively are especially favored by the system, sometimes at the cost of suppressing Blacks.
As I see it, life is not improving for Blacks. As a matter of fact the real issue for Blacks is that of survival. White Americans see Blacks as a threat to their "way of life." And they are right. Whites are asking the question anew: "What shall be the place of Blacks in America?" Authentic reports show that each year the number of Whites who believe that Blacks have no place on the Continent of North America is greatly increasing.
Do we have the ingenuity to solve the black-white problem?- to guarantee Blacks self-determination? Many people think so and have offered or followed numerous approaches. All of which have failed. Four such notions that have failed but continue to be propagated by oppressors as well as some who are oppressed are:
1. Let us appeal to the moral or good conscience of the American people. Moral conscience denotes humanness, and conditioning has made people more beastial than human. Consequently, in the name of morality we have committed all kinds of atrocities against others with the oppression of Blacks being the supreme example. Does the American Society have a conscience?
2. Let us enact good legislation and let the Government do it. We cannot legislate morality and nobody has contributed more to the creation and development of the present crisis than politicians. They have been masters of deceit and experts in programing people to abuse and exploit other fellow human beings, pitting one group against another.
3. Evolution will resolve the conflict if we will have patience. Blacks have heard this for 400 years. They see how evolution is widening the gap rather than lessening it between Blacks and Whites. They have heard repeatedly that "good things come to those who wait" and "a better day will come after while." This is not enough. It must come NOW.
4. Trust God and He will make everything all right. There is a kind of religiosity and "churchanity" that are an opiate of the people and inherent in the above assertion. This view epitomizes those whose knowledge of God is nothing more than dogma and tradition and whose God is truly dead.
From history we learn that oppressors do not so much as hear the voices of the oppressed until their security has been threatened. The four approaches set forth above have never been a real threat to the well-being of the oppressors.
Of all the alternatives available to Blacks there is only one that can work and that is confrontation. But what is confrontation? Confrontation is a relationship in which activity is "oriented intentionally to carrying out the actor's own will against the resistance of the other party or parties. It s the kind of pursuit that zeroes in on the resister. To this it may be added that confrontation emerges when an individual or a group acts against a resister or resisters.
Confrontation has assets and liabilities. But for Blacks who have been enslaved and exploited the assets are far greater than the liabilities.
Confrontation for Blacks must become a way of life, a sacred obligation to be performed. It must take place in every kind of situation. It must penetrate every kind of institution.
This confrontation must also involve Whites, especially young people who are fed up with a system that has deified racism. There must be mutual alliances between Blacks and Whites who really care, but Blacks must never forget that their battle will never be won by Whites.
Without confrontation there will be no meaningful reform and revolution, no self-purification and examination of motives, no self-actualization and personal freedom, and maybe, no survival, at least of the oppressed people.
With all due respect to our elders there is not much we can expect from them. To them all except conformity is a calamity. The hope of America rests with the youth.
America' Youth, America's Hope
To you - youth in the present crisis - is our hope.
You at this moment have the honor to belong to a
generation whose hearts are strangely moved;
You see a nation and a world in crisis;
You are members of the human race which is in a crisis:
And you hear the call for confronters
Who are willing to stand up and be counted.
When you are old, however memory brings back
this moment to your minds, let it be able to
declare to you; That was a revolutionary moment.
It was the beginning of a new order, I responded
to the call. I volunteered. I gave myself,
I did what I could to be worthy of my generation.
Part II
A doctor has a dual responsibility: first, to diagnose a disease, and second, to prescribe a cure. We have performed the former, now we must deal with the latter which is more difficult of prescribing a remedy.
What can I do? What must I do? As we have already pointed out the real issue is not civil rights, better education, or more employment, but survival. As Shakespeare put it "To be or not to be?" is the question.
This is not a program which presents specific formulas for achieving a Mutuality (freedom) society or a blueprint. To make this clear at this point, may spare the reader probable disappointment. This will not tell confronter exactly how to go about planning his many and varied tasks. Had this been my objective this treatise would be of little value within two years.
1. Motivation
It appears that young people, black and white, have sufficient motivation to face the inevitable showdown. The hypocrisy of their elders, mass exploitation, poverty (in an affluent society) racism, crime, invasion of privacy, police brutality and war have aroused the youths as never before. Their motive is to survive and move toward actualization or fulfillment.
2. Communication
When lines of communication are open between individuals each is likely to understand the attitudes, point of view and feelings of the other person. This is important.
What makes communication difficult is hypocrisy and the desire of one or both persons to deceive or use the other person. The young people communicate better than their elders or young people of any previous generation. They do not just intellectualize. They feel. In the vernacular of their experiences, they "dig each other and what's happening." That's beautiful.
3. Counseling
In general, confrontation counseling is directed towards helping the individual gain a more realistic picture of himself, assisting him in achieving a better understanding of the problem confronting him, and aiding him in working out an effective solution to the problem. This can be called a helping relationship. We help each other knowing that "no chain is any stronger than its weakest link" and that the survival of a man depends on the survival of all men.
4. Strategy
Strategy denotes a strategic position. In this liberation struggle confronters must understand the importance of infiltration, even if it is token infiltration. They must operate fronts. Racism has been maintained by diverse groups such as the good white folk, the liberals, Ku Klux Klan and overt and covert racists. Blacks should help to organize Whites but Blacks must do their own thinking and choose their own leaders, Top secret information must be kept out of the hands of the adversary.
5. Techniques
Closely related to strategy are techniques - methods or tactics. The mutuality methods employed are: (1) dynamic insistence and (2) altruistic pragmatism. Dynamic insistence is positive rather than passive and pursues the offensive rather than the defensive. It brings pressure by creativity and production rather than pressure by crying and protest.
Altruistic pragmatism emphasizes the good of the other person as equal to one's own good and adheres to the proposition that whatever works in keeping with this cardinal principle is good, relevant and desirable This approach allows for altruistic violence (love violence) when such action will produce the greater good for the adversary or another person.
6. Assault
All that is not relevant must be attacked deliberately, strategically and forcefully. This assault must be against exploitation, as well as institutions, groups and individuals that enslave or deprive people of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Operation assault must be coordinated, massive and properly timed. It must be of the people, by the people and for the people.
7. Results
The victory can, and if this program is followed, it will be achieved. This will mean freedom - self-determination for everyone: justice - equal treatment for the individual based on universal or natural law; creativeness - self-actualization of the person who moves - (grows) towards full development of his potentiality; and a mutuality society - where the individual is responsible to himself, holds allegiance to himself and has no desire to use, deceive or exploit any other person. The truth is: a person can do for himself what needs to be done if others or society who many times pose as helpers, will get out of his way. The net effect is a better society for all.
Author's Reflection. The aforementioned treatise was published in1969, forty-seven years ago. Some of my views have changed, but on reflection, I recognize that most of what I said is true and relevant today...and people who desire equality of opportunity, equality of participation and equality of achievement for all will be able to apply the insights and principles presented in achieving equality for all, justice, freedom and peace.
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Copyright by Uriah J. Fields 1969 and 2016
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